In Georgia, Coronavirus and Environmental Racism Combine
We examined the data from Albany, GA
By Marcela Mulholland, Julian Brave NoiseCat, J. Mijin Cha
This blog is also available in Spanish
As Georgia Governor Brian Kemp allows non-essential businesses to re-open, the Peach State remains one of the hardest hit by the coronavirus. Inspired by recent Harvard University research showing that long-term exposure to air pollution makes some people and communities more vulnerable to the coronavirus, we analyzed the data from Albany, Georgia, a city of just over 75,000 where 73 percent of residents are Black. (By comparison, Black people comprise 32.4 percent of the state’s population.) Albany has long-standing vulnerabilities due to a legacy of pollution and environmental injustice.
Amidst the pandemic, Albany had 1,505 confirmed cases and 120 deaths as of May 1st, giving the city a per capita infection rate almost equal to that of Wuhan, China, where the virus originated. Statewide, Black Georgians have been overrepresented among the sick, and as of April, 80 percent of hospitalized coronavirus patients were Black.
The situation in Albany is consistent with trends across the country, where the communities hardest hit by coronavirus are also often the communities most burdened by pollution and environmental injustice. In fact, Albany offers a classic case study in environmental injustice. The city is also fighting against an oil and gas pipeline as well as a compressor station that is still under construction and would increase air pollution in the region. Dougherty County, which contains Albany, is home to, “259 hazardous waste facilities, 78 facilities producing and releasing air pollutants, 20 facilities releasing toxic pollutants, and 16 facilities releasing pollutants into the waters of the United States.” Numerous studies have shown that toxic waste and air pollution negatively impact people’s respiratory health. The Albany region has higher asthma rates than the state-wide and national averages.
These environmental and health concerns exist within the context of deep socioeconomic disparities. Over 20 percent of the population of Albany lacks health insurance which is significantly higher than the statewide uninsured rate of 15.7 percent. Furthermore, the median household income in Albany is more than $20,000 less than the statewide median household income. Economic inequality makes Albany residents more vulnerable to coronavirus-fueled economic hardship like job loss, late rent, mortgage payments and debt . In April, Georgia processed over 1 million unemployment claims–more than the state processed in the three previous years combined.
Governor Kemp’s decision to reopen the state will expose already vulnerable Black communities to further harm. But the governor’s disregard for Black Georgians is unsurprising in light of his track record. When Kemp served as Georgia’s Secretary of State, he used his station to suppress the Black vote, purging 1.5 million voters between 2012-2016. These voter purges likely helped Kemp win the governorship in 2018, as long lines and technical difficulties, particularly in Black neighborhoods that tend to vote Democratic, kept many Georgians from voting. After the race went to a recount, Kemp emerged with a slim lead of less than 55,000 votes over Democrat Stacey Abrams. It’s not hard to imagine a different outcome had all those 1.5 million voters not been purged, just as it’s not hard to imagine a less devastating coronavirus outbreak in places like Albany if Kemp valued the lives and votes of all Georgia residents equally.
The situation in Albany makes clear that long standing racial disparities, including and especially exposure to pollution and the ability to express the democratic right to vote, cannot be separated from the devastation wrought by the pandemic. It’s no coincidence that a city facing a long history of economic, social and environmental injustice is now one of the places hardest hit by the coronavirus. Effective advocacy, relief and policy interventions must begin by recognizing this reality.
Marcela Mulholland (@x3Marcela_) is Deputy Director for Climate at Data for Progress
Julian Brave NoiseCat (@jnoisecat) is Vice President of Policy & Strategy at Data for Progress
J. Mijin Cha (@jmijincha) is a Senior Fellow with Data for Progress